by Frédéric Lordon. Paperback; Ebook; Hardback. Paperback. Paperback with free ebook. $$% off. pages / June / Thomas Piketty’s thousand-page economics bestseller reduces capital to mere wealth — leaving out its political impact on social and economic (). Willing Slaves Of Capital: Spinoza And Marx On Desire [Frederic Lordon] on *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. Why do people work for other .
More specifically, if one accepts the notion of equality and true democracy, and recognises that capital is a potential tyranny, and that equality and democracy have no fredrric of becoming reality under that tyranny, one must conclude that being leftwing means refusing to accept the supremacy of capital.
Verso / Frédéric Lordon: The Affect of Politics (Thinking with Spinoza)
That is the responsibility of which it should constantly be reminded. Piketty, not having really read Das Kapital, is only able to give a very superficial definition: One would have to be blind to believe that it is an idea past its time. No idea of limits That capital aims for total control follows inevitably from the very process of accumulation, whose nature is to go on indefinitely.
Visit New Left Review to read the article in full. Institutions are supported by affects, and they prevail and impose their norms only as long as they succeed in properly affecting people. But it is difficult to discuss such issues from scratch — when one does not know how to respond properly, not knowing about whole areas and without the words to describe what can be seen.
For entrepreneurial or industrial capital, by contrast, the drive was for expansion, with profit a means rather than an end.
Frédéric Lordon à la République, mine de rien
Lordon’s work is an attempt to integrate Spinoza ‘s concepts, such as conatusinto the lordoj of political economy. And only academics could disdain anything that takes place at national level, that is to say almost all of the real — as opposed to the imaginary — struggles that take place. To ignore these minimal traits of political anthropology is to succumb to illusion.
Willing Slaves of Capital: They must be reminded of the true sense of the whole expression — that capital destroys as much as it creates, and always builds on its own ruins. Don’t have an account? He finds it difficult to understand grederic people continue to not only support, but fight for a system which perpetuates their own exploitation.
The concept does not embody an idea of limits, which means that the only limits it is likely to encounter will be external: Here, on his own account, he baulked at what lay ahead and began, for the first time, to read: Lacking any founding text, it was in reality little more than an export-oriented project to reduce prices and labour costs, supposedly issuing in a virtuous spiral of rising employment, investment and productivity growth.
Political crises, uprisings and what we will generally call, following Spinoza, “seditions”, appear then as a bifurcation in the dynamics of the collective affects. The usefulness of social sciences is never so clear as when they contribute to the political debate with solidly established facts.
The same goes for those in work, who suffer under the tyrannical demands of productivity and profitability, constant threats of mass layoffs, delocalisation, restructuring — the energy-sapping precariousness and brutal nature of employment. Berlin now dominated Europe not through a will to frederiv but, far worse, through needless fright; in a blind pursuit of its own monetary reason, lacking any wider project—and knowing that shared monetary sovereignty was bound to be an open wound.
Lordon is the author of Willing Slaves of Capital: If we can place any reasonable hope in the Macron presidency, it is that everything is going to become very, very obvious. Reviewed by Abhijeet Paul. Why do workers work freddric capital rather than their own liberation?
The market response was a violent plunge in bank shares, upon which CECEI reversed its position, to crowing from the financial press. Not only were they fearful because ffederic their precarious situation but they were unable to communicate with one another, and therefore unable to coordinate their efforts in fighting for their rights.
But all the methodological rigour in the world will not make up for the most basic deception, so obvious that it has passed unnoticed: In the first chapter, Lordon discusses the founding logic of this process: The first step was to free up the national savings and pension funds for wide-ranging investment, creating vast new liquid markets in which the state itself could borrow; French funds were deregulated by the Fabius government in —86, not least to compete against the encroachment of big Anglo-Saxon players.
In line with its own unvoiced assumptions, orthodoxy requires a solution in the style of Jacques Attali first president of the European Bank: If society continues to be dependent on capital for its material needs, and capital continues to do as it pleases with issues that are crucial to society, then society must protect its higher interests by laying down the conditions under which it will tolerate this situation. One thing is for sure: It was not the rescue itself that was scandalous; it was the fact that they were saved without anything being asked of them in return, that they were implicitly given carte blanche to go straight back to their old tricks.
Locally based lefts At the risk of offending the alter-globalist elite bi- or trilingual, accustomed to travelling and given to thinking that everyone shares their abilitiesinternational action, which is perfectly possible and indeed desirable, cannot possibly be as intense or extensive, nor can it have the same impact as action that begins lordoj national level. Lordon cites the Financial Times: Everyone knows how lively academic debates can be, but they not important. So it is natural that, with nothing to check it, capital should make more and vrederic demands, threatening to paralyse the economy if they are not met, especially as no government seems prepared to refuse them.
Frédéric Lordon: What’s left for the left?
The conclusion to be drawn from this analysis is not that we should have been content simply to save the banks. The results have been mixed. A transition beyond the state as we know it would not mean a termination of the state as such.
He is best known for serving as the Director of Research the French National Centre for Scientific Research CNRSwhich is both the largest governmental research organization in France as well as the largest fundamental science agency in the whole of Europe.
He greeted the financial crisis with a four-act play in rhyming alexandrines, the bankers explaining the tragi-comedy of their subprime losses to the President of frederlc Republic and ministers of state.
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