prof. dr hab. Konstanty Adam Wojtaszczyk . KRYZYSY W PROCESIE INTEGRACJI EUROPEJSKIEJ Urzędu Komitetu Integracji Europejskiej”, nr Alojzy Nowak, Konstanty Adam Wojtaszczyk, Łukasz Zamęcki K. Michałowska- Gorywoda, Integracja europejska, Wolters Kluwer Polska, Warsaw , p. Integracja w dezintegracji i dezintegracja w integracji: determinanty mechanizmów integracyjnych w Unii Europejskiej. Authors. Curyło Barbara . WOJTASZCZYK Konstanty Adam, NADOLSKA Jadwiga (red.) (), Kryzysy w procesie.

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Log In Sign Up. Democracy and Extreme Confidence in Government: Grzegorz Wojtassczyk Uniwersytet Warszawski tematyczni Badania wschodnie: Wojciech Jakubowski Uniwersytet Warszawski Integracja europejska: Wojtaszczyk Uniwersytet Warszawski My l konstanhy Tadeusz Mo dawa Uniwersytet Warszawski Polityki sektorowe: Agnieszka Rothert Uniwersytet Warszawski Psychologia i socjologia polityki: Jan Garlicki Uniwersytet Warszawski Ruchy spo eczne: Gra yna Ulicka Uniwersytet Warszawski Systemy polityczne: Zbigniew Kie mi ski Uniwersytet Warszawski Teoria polityki: Ewa Grabowska Redaktor statystyczny: Opracowanie komputerowe, druk i oprawa: Ein politischwissenschaftliches Essay Erhard Cziomer.

S omczy ski red. Polska i Europa Urszula Kurcewicz. Democracy, extreme confidence in government, Robert Putnam, World Value Survey, attitudinal indicators, political culture Introduction and research question The principal aim of this study is to examine the relation between democracy and extreme confidence in the government.

This is a fairly innovative research design that explores questions that have not been formerly addressed with the use of empirical methods. The study conclu- des that countries whose citizens display a lot of extreme confidence in government tend to be undemocratic or their democracies are seriously flawed.

This conclusion is reached after testing integracjs between the extreme levels of confidence and democracy on a multinational sample. Individual countries are the units of analysis. The chief aim of my study is to empirically grasp and operationalize this concept using a possibly large sample. Thus, I put forward the following research question: Is the extreme confidence in the government negatively correlated with the level of democracy?

The examination conducted to answer the above research question expands the knowledge about the influence of mass attitudes on demo- cracy.

Integrcja, the study proposes a relatively strong attitudinal indicator of democracy that has not been used in the research conducted in this field so far. This indicator can become an effective research tool, which may be utilized to describe the development of democratic states or, after certain modifications, to predict the possibility of regime change. Naturally, using measures of confidence in government means that the study assumes that every regime, even an undemocratic one, repre- sents3 the beliefs, interests, and values of the citizens in a certain form.

This is because no government, which is not supported by a foreign occupational force, integrafja exist without some level of trust on the part of a significant portion of the society.

Interestingly, however, historical evi- dence points to the fact that democracies are established konnstanty citizens start displaying a limited confidence in government. The Swiss Confe- deration started developing after the rebellion against the Habsburgian rule4.

The British Parliamentary System was established as an act of defiance of the English kings. The Federal Republic of America was formed after a war against the central government in England5. Colbourn, The Lamp of Europejxka Interestingly, established monar- chies in the region have proven much more resilient to revolutions than the post-revolutionary regimes. As Elliott Abrams notes: This study will show that limited trust or lack of extreme confidence in government is not only something that marks the birth of democracies, but also is a feature characteristic of modern democratic regimes.


Literature Review One of the first researchers to observe that the World Value Survey Database suggests a negative correlation between democracy and the confidence in government was Christian Welzel8 and Ronald Inglehart9.

Welzel sees this as an interesting, albeit not a very significant correlation, which in his regression model encounters a significance barrier. The main hypothesis of this study assumes that the uncritical attitude Welzel mentions is tied to extreme level of confidence in government within the society.

Welzel, Are Levels of Democracy…, p. This study tries to show a more general relation across the available sample. Howe- ver, his research was based on a different sample and a set of different theoretical premises. Welzel, Inglehart, and Newton all employ the attitudinal approach.

This means that they hypothesize that the democracy and its quality is to a large extent dependent on social attitudes. Nevertheless, as Welzel himself admits, the number of empirical studies that test attitudinal influence on democracy is limited. This is in part because of the dif- ficulty with finding reliable data, especially, gathered in undemocratic countries.

Operationalizing the key concepts is another major problem. The key attitudinal researches on democracy are works by Inglehart,12 Muller,13 and Seligson Theoretically, these studies are supported by the earlier publications of Almond and Verba15 as well as Eckstein A contending group of hypotheses is based on the economic appro- ach. Researchers who use the economic approach try to find empirical evidence that the development of democracy can be explained by eco- nomic development.

Karp, Banducci, and Bowler,17 for instance, attri- bute the confidence in government and satisfaction with democracy in European Union to concrete financial costs and benefits. The classical economic approach was also applied by Seymour Lipset in his Political Man.

Lipset, actually, argues that the rise of certain political systems was a result of the domination of specific socioeconomic classes. Such authoritarian governments, according to Lipset, are characterized by genuinely high approval ratings because they rule over citizens who are 11 K. Inglehart, Modernization and Postmodernization: Seligson, Civic Culture and Democracy. Verba, The Civic Culture, Princetonp. Bowler, To Know it is to Love it? Lipset, Political Man, New Yorkp.

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Let me add that the political attitudes in this model seem to be shaped by the level of education and material status. Lenin, with a striking sincerity, admitted that his revolutionary plans would have fallen through if the prime minister Stolypin had succeeded in reforming Russia and creating a strong afflu- ent middle class Huntington20 also adheres to the socioeconomic paradigm, despite using a notion of modernization rather than class struggle. In short, Huntington argues that modernization almost always leads to increased democratic expectations within the society.

Similar concepts can be also found in the writings of Robert Dahl Without a doubt, economic development measured by GDP per capita is one of the strongest predictor of democracy. Nevertheless, some researchers argue that other variables, which are not mediated by eco- nomic development, are equally important.


Furthermore, the imtegracja direction in the relation between democracy and economic development is still vehemently disputed. Is it the democracy that fosters economic freedom and development or does the relation run in the opposite direc- tion?

One can point to many outliers that combine robust economies with lack of democracy.

China, Saudi Arabia, Singapore, or modern Russia are much too prominent examples to be neglected. Huntington, on the other hand, points to religious aspects of politics and democratization Whereas, Emanuel Todd in a well-k- nown critique of the American political regime24 describes family konstsnty as the key cultural factors explaining the differences among political regimes.

Lih, Lenin, Londonp. Participation and Opposition, New Haven A Double Edged Sword, London Todd, After the empire: The breakdown of the American order, New York However, many problems with establishing the direction of europeiska ble causation and measuring the weight of economic and uneconomic factors are resolved, up to certain point, by Inglehart and Welzel They maintain that democracy is influenced by three main types of factors: In consequence, Christian Welzel concludes his study by saying: The results presented in this study are very similar when the GDP per capita is controlled for.

Nevertheless, the problem clearly requires more research. In fact, it would seem that Putnam suggests that confidence in government is positively correlated with democracy. In Bowling Alone, he explicitly asks the question: And he proposes an answer: Wojtsazczyk this way social capital reinforces government legi- timacy: Such a civic assertiveness involves a certain amount of criticism towards the 25 R.

Welzel, Emancipative Values and Democracy… 26 C. Putnam, Bowling Eojtaszczyk, New York Tavits, Making Democracy Work More? Furthermore, Newton31 discovers a lack of significant corre- lation between social capital and political trust.

Finally, Putnam himself sees a certain dark side of the overgrown social capital and he tries to show that there is a fine line between confidence and blind trust. In other words, one can expect that in democracies citizens trust their local authorities more than their central government which is regarded with a significant level of suspicion.

Theory and hypothesis This study assumes an attitudinal theoretical framework. This implies a key premise which states that mass attitudes influence the likelihood of developing and maintaining a democratic form of government. Altho- ugh the economic development remains an important factor, this work argues that prediction of a subsequent democracy using variables such as GDP per capita can be greatly improved when attitudinal variables are added. Confidence in government is one such variable, and basing on empirical studies conducted so far, one may hypothesize that this variable is generally negatively correlated with the level of democracy.